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- <text id=90TT0115>
- <title>
- Jan. 15, 1990: The Devil They Knew
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
- Jan. 15, 1990 Antarctica
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- NATION, Page 28
- The Devil They Knew
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>How Noriega was transformed from CIA asset to public enemy
- </p>
- <p> As early as 1972, a U.S. antinarcotics official had a
- suggestion for cutting down the shipment of drugs through
- Panama into the U.S.: assassinate Manuel Antonio Noriega. Not
- only was that proposal rejected; some time later Noriega, then
- head of his country's intelligence service, went on the payroll
- of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. Among his bosses:
- George Bush, director of the CIA in 1976. As late as 1983, Vice
- President Bush used Noriega to pass a message to Fidel Castro.
- And as late as 1987, the Reagan Administration was arguing that
- Noriega had been "fully cooperative" with U.S. antidrug
- efforts.
- </p>
- <p> Less than a year later, federal prosecutors in Florida won
- indictments accusing Noriega of helping Colombian drug lords
- smuggle tons of cocaine into the U.S. Soon Washington began
- painting Noriega as one of the villains of the century: not
- only a drug kingpin but also an arms smuggler and a murderous
- tyrant. How come? Why did the U.S. so long support Noriega
- despite the gathering evidence of his unsavory activities? And
- why did it then do an abrupt about-face?
- </p>
- <p> Noriega's relations with Washington were always ambivalent:
- he seemed to be a triple or quadruple agent. There appeared to
- be good grounds for the CIA to hire him: he was a shrewd
- intelligence operative, and Panama is an excellent listening
- post for developments throughout Central America and the
- Caribbean. But from early on, Noriega seemed to play Uncle Sam
- for a prize sucker. U.S. Customs Commissioner William von Raab
- once remarked that "occasionally, they [Noriega & Co.] swing
- some poor slob out, in effect give him away to make us feel
- they're cooperating." And once in a while Noriega would assist
- in the seizure of large amounts of narcotics--cynics suggest
- as a way to punish traffickers who did not pay him off. But if
- charges filed against him are proved, those efforts were far
- outweighed by the assistance he gave the drug lords of
- Colombia's Medellin cartel.
- </p>
- <p> Noriega won Washington's gratitude by allowing the
- U.S.-supported Nicaraguan contra rebels to train on Coiba
- Island, off Panama. In 1985 he made an offer to Marine Lieut.
- Colonel Oliver North, then on the National Security Council
- staff, to assassinate Nicaraguan Sandinista leaders and carry
- out sabotage inside the country. All the time, though, Noriega
- was allegedly running arms to the Sandinistas and to leftist
- rebels in Colombia and El Salvador, supplying CIA information
- to Cuba and helping Cubans smuggle U.S. high-technology
- equipment through Panama to the Soviet bloc. Said Jose Blandon,
- a former intimate of Noriega's: "Contras, Sandinistas, Cubans,
- the CIA, he deals with them all to make money."
- </p>
- <p> His relations with Bush are a minor mystery. According to
- Blandon, Bush phoned Noriega three hours before the U.S.
- invasion of Grenada in 1983. He asked Noriega to warn Fidel
- Castro that if Cuba tried to stop the invasion or to retaliate,
- it would get the same--or worse. Noriega made the call, and
- shortly afterward Bush visited him. Blandon says Bush lectured
- Noriega on the need for democracy in Panama, but also thanked
- him for helping contain communism.
- </p>
- <p> Supporting Noriega became steadily more difficult as he
- rigged elections, was accused of ordering the murder of
- opponents, and was subjected to journalistic exposes of his
- drug running and arms smuggling. But the Justice Department and
- the Drug Enforcement Administration stood by him, even as the
- DEA developed the evidence leading to his indictments. The
- State Department was split between a get-Noriega faction and
- diplomats who were nervous about the potential loss of
- intelligence assets in Panama. By the time of the indictments,
- though, it was obvious that Noriega had gone out of U.S.
- control. Investigators assert that the millions he was by then
- receiving from the Medellin drug cartel dwarfed his CIA
- payoffs.
- </p>
- <p> Drugs became a hot issue in the 1988 presidential campaign,
- and candidate Bush vehemently proclaimed that if he won he
- would never negotiate with drug lords. At the same time, the
- Reagan Administration was dickering unsuccessfully for a deal
- under which the indictments would be dropped if Noriega went
- into exile. A year later, a close friend of the dictator's
- speculated on the likelihood of U.S. troops invading Panama.
- "Send them in," he said. "By the time they get to Panama City,
- there'll be news releases detailing everything that Noriega
- knows about Bush. And what he knows is enough to sink Bush's
- presidency." Whether Noriega can actually embarrass Bush and
- other high Washington figures, and how much, only his trial
- will tell.
- </p>
- <p>By George J. Church. Reported by Ricardo Chavira and Elaine
- Shannon/Washington.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-